ETHNIC IDENTITY, RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION AND ELECTORAL VIOLENCE IN NIGERIA AN APPRAISAL OF THE 2011 AND 2015 GENERAL ELECTIONS IN NIGERIA.

ETHNIC IDENTITY, RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION AND ELECTORAL VIOLENCE IN NIGERIA AN APPRAISAL OF THE 2011 AND 2015 GENERAL ELECTIONS IN NIGERIA.
CHAPTER ONE
1.0 Introduction
Elections involve a set of activities leading to the selection of one or more persons out of many to serve in positions of authority in society. Political scientists and development theories to linking free, fair and credible elections to democratic governance, peace and development. In brief, they argue that free, fair and credible elections provide the basic for the emergence of democratic, accountable and legitimate governments with the capacity to intimate and implements clearly articulated development programmes. Again, they claim that free, fair and credible elections empower the electorate to hold the government accountable and to demand strong credentials and feasible development agenda from prospective government officials.
Since 1999, elections have become more regular in Nigeria. Between 1999 and 2015, the INDEPENDENT NATIONAL ELECTORAL COMMISSION (INEC) conducted five consecutive general elections. Nigeria attempt to practice parliamentary democracy at independence in 1960 was interrupted by a military coup in 1966 Dudley,(1982). In 1979, Nigeria made a transition from military rule to presidential democracy. Again, the democratic government was removed via a military coup in 1983 (Diamond 1988 &Joseph 1991). The third democratic experiment in Nigeria began in 1989 but was aborted in 1993 following the annulment of the presidential election, which would have marked the highpoint of the transition. Although elections are now more regular in Nigeria, the quality of these election in a matter of great concern to both the actors and observers.
1.1 Background to the Study
The widely acclaimed success of the 2011 elections was dented by post-election violence that broke out following the announcement of the result of the presidential elections. The 2011 post-election violence is seen as the bloodiest in Nigeria’s history (Bekoe 2011, Ajayi 2011, HRM 2011, ICG2011, Shuaibu and Iroegbu 2011). In fourteen Northerners states including Adamawa, Kano, Kaduna and Bauchi states, where the post election violence was most prevalent, violent protesters killed several people, including an unspecified numbers torched, looted or destroyed businesses, churches and mosques and practices houses (Shuaibu and Iroegbu 2011, HRW 2011).
The scale of election-related violence assumed prohibitive threshold in 2011 with over 800 deaths and 65,000 displaced in post-election violence. Hussaini,(2011). The orderliness, statesmanship and the interest generated by the presidential elections were a departure from what obtained at the state level during gubernatorial elections prior to the elections, the campaign train of President Jonathan of the people Democratic Party was stone with sachet of water in Bauchi state. This was addition to the burning of campaign buses, and a case of bomb blast near a campaign ground in Potiskum, Gombe state. Sporadic gun shots at all progressive congress members were also reported in Rivers state allegedly by people Democratic Party thugs Mark (2015). INEC’S assessment however revealed that the elections were peaceful and orderly across the country. Some states, nevertheless, recorded significant number of violent incidents the most affected being Rivers, AkwaIbom, Cross River, Ebonyi and Ondo states. INEC’S records show that there were 66 reports of violent incident targeted at polling units, the commission’s officials, voters and election materials. These were in Rivers state (16 incidents), OndoState (8) Cross Rivers state and Ebonyi (6 each), AkwaIbom (5), Bayelsa (4) Lagos and Kanduna (3 each), Jigawa, Enugun, Ekiti and Osun (2 each), Kastina, Plateau, Kogi, Abia, Imo, Kano, and Ogun (one each). Ndujihe and Kumolu 2015.)
Since the colonial era ethnic, religious identity and electoral violence constitutes the main form of expression of social cleavages in Nigeria. As a result, the voting pattern in Nigeria elections has mostly followed the configuration of ethnic and religious cleavages at local and national levels, tension arising from communal identity conflict have had a major influence on electoral contest and the political process. Beginning from the early independence period, sectarian conflicts have mixed with political differences resulting to electoral violence. The inability of a presidential candidates to win election in his/her state or region is likely to generate questions for examples, when former Nigerian president, OlusegunObasanjo contested for the presidency in 1999 and lost in Ogun state (his state of origin), it became an issue of some sort even though he emerged victorious in all over election.
Nnoli (1978), states that “by 1953, the major political parties in Nigeria, the national convention of Nigeria citizens (NCNC), Action group (AG), and Northern people congress (NPC) had become associated with the three major ethnic groups- Hausa, Yoruba and Igbo and the three regions of the country-North, West and East respectively.

1.2 Statement of the Problem
Election provides citizens the opportunity to support candidate(s) of their choice. How this choice is made is a different matter altogether. Pre-election campaigns are designed not only to educate the electorate politically, but also persuade voters to vote for a particular candidate. A politician may decide to base his/her campaign on policy issues or decide to introduce ethnic sentiment and religious affiliation to make promises on that ground. Recourse to the late rapture abounds on ethnic politics in Africa. The strength of linkages between ethnicity, religious affiliations and party voting has been examined in Africa societies by qualitative examination of particular election campaigns and by comparing aggregate election result at distinct level Christopher(1996),Takougang (1996), Burnell (2007), Posner (2007) observed that the need for a given ethnic group. On the other hand, Horowitz (1985) argues that ethnicity exerts strong direct impact on electoral in segmented societies.

1.3 Research Question
i. What are the effects and consequences of ethnic identity, religious affiliations and electoral violence on 2011 and 2015 general election?
ii. What are the causes, impacts and effects of ethnicity and religious affiliation in the conducts of elections in Nigeria
iii. Does religion affiliation and ethnicity dictate the outcome of elections in Nigeria
iv. Are the outcome of elections in Nigeria a product of religious and ethnic allegiance
1.4 Objectives of the Study
The objectives of the study are as follows?
i. To find out the effects and consequences of ethnic identity, religious affiliations and electoral violence on 2011 and 2015 general election.
ii. To examine whether uneven distribution of government appointments among ethnic groups and religious affiliations influence the voting behaviour in the 2011 and 2015 general election.
iii. To investigate how ethnicity and religious affiliation brought about electoral violence in 2011 and 2015 general election.
iv. To analyse and scholarly understand the influence of ethnicity, as well as the impact of religion in the conducts of elections in Nigeria.
1.5 Significance of the Study
This research work at aim will venture to remodify our previous belief on ethnic identity, religious affiliations and electoral violence, it will enlarge our perception, analyze and attempts a coherent appraisal and conceptualization of the subject matter. It will also go a long way in shielding light to the pro-active measure that took place in Nigeria electoral process and voting behaviour.
The finding of these works will no doubt be useful for subsequent researchers in these fields, to student, corporation and government functionaries.
1.6 Scope of the Study
The scope of the study will be limited to ethnic identity, religious affiliations and electoral violence in Nigeria general election. However, the variables to examine will be limited to the 2011 and 2015 general election.
Therefore, materials and information will be gathered from the secondary source/data. Thus relevant textbooks, Journals, articles, newspaper and information from the interest will be used in the course of this research work.
1.7 Research Methodology
The research methodology of this investigation shall be divided into two parts that is, a primary and secondary source.
The primary source of data will be collected through the use of well administered and carefully structured questionnaire while the secondary data will be collected from textbooks, journals internet.
1.7.1 Sample and Sampling Techniques
Sample is proportion of population that shares all the general characteristics of the population. A simple random technique will be adopted in selecting 100 persons from Ondo and Kaduna State respectively, as respondent to the questionnaires.
1.7.2 Method of Data Analysis and Presentation
The primary and secondary data that will be obtained will be analysed and will be computer base on the research objective of the study. Measure of central tendency and simple percentage will be considered as appropriate qualitative tools for analysis in the study. Also, content analysis will be used to analyse the data generated in this study.
1.8 Limitation of the Study
In the course of undertaking a research of this magnitude, a number of problems and limitations might be encountered. This may be:
i. Time: this play an important role in undertaking research work. Proper timing and opportunity to meet with respondents is a vital factors. For example, due to time factors, the researcher can only used time which am free to meet available respondent.
ii. Respondent Attitude: It is possible that not all respondent might not be willing to provide answer to the questions which be presented to them.

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